请帮忙翻译一下吧,我要完不成任务了,【不要用翻译软件直译过来那种】,那种翻译出来根本念不通。先谢谢谢谢啦~~~!!!!!
The measure of that possibility appears in the desperate attempts of existing political
powers (for example, the NGOs and international institutions, including the World Bank, assembled at the Rio World Urban Forum in 2010) to co-opt that language to their own purposes. In the same way that Marx depicted restrictions on the length of the working day as a first step down a revolutionary path, so claiming back the right for everyone to live in a decent house in a decent living environment can be seen as the first step towards a more comprehensive revolutionary movement. There is no point in complaining at the attempt to co-opt. The left should take it as a compliment and battle to sustain its own distinctive immanent meaning: all those whose labors are engaged in producing and reproducing the city have a collective right not only to that which they produce, but also to decide what kind of urban ism is to be produced where, and how. Alternative democratic vehicles (other than the existing democracy of money power) such as popular assemblies need to be constructed if urban life is to be revitalized and reconstructed outside of dominant class relations. The right to
the city is not an exclusive individual right, but a focused collective right. It is inclusive not only of construction workers but also of all those who facilitate the reproduction of daily life: the caregivers and teachers, the sewer and subway repair men, the plumbers and electricians, the scaffold erectors and crane operators, the hospital workers and the truck, bus, and taxi drivers, the restaurant workers and the entertainers, the bank clerks and the city administrators. It seeks a unity from within an incredible diversity of fragmented social spaces and locations within in numerable divisions of labor. And there are many putative forms of organization-from workers' centers and regional workers' assemblies (such as that of Toronto) to alliances (such as the Right to the City alliances and the Excluded Workers Congress and other forms of organization of precarious labor) that have this objective upon their political radar. But, for obvious reasons, it is a complicated right partly by virtue of the contemporary conditions of capitalist urbanization, as well as because of the nature of the populations that might actively pursue such a right.Murray Bookchin, for example, took the plausible view (also attributable to Lewis Mumford and many
others influenced by the social anarchist tradition of thinking) that capitalist processes of urbanization have destroyed the city as a functioning body politic upon which a civilized anti-capitalist alternative might be built.